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The same lack of evidence obscures the circumstances that led to this change of status. From Late Antique Neapolis to Medieval Nemesos: Archaeology and Topography Until recently early Byzantine settlements usually came to light as a result of excavations at sites known to have been those of ancient cities. Our invariably fragmentary knowledge of their layout, architecture and economic activity is thus a mere collateral benefit of such digs.

In the past, however, the latter resulted in considerable collateral damage instead, as the early modern, medieval, and late antique layers were often obliterated in the rush to reach the classical levels. The thriving modern city would, in any case, have hindered sustained archaeological investigation.

On the lost vita of Spyridon, see now Cavallero Nevertheless, the centre of both late antique and medieval Neapolis must have been located in the area of the present old town on the east bank of the Garyllis, near the old harbour and around the castle. This is strongly indicated by various chance finds and, as we shall see below, a very important excavated site. In an inscription was found next to the castle, on Berengaria Street.

The castle itself now consists of an Ottoman shell enveloping a Gothic core which recent research has shown to belong to a fortified thirteenth-century church, perhaps a Templar foundation. Indeed, on the evidence of admittedly extremely meagre remains incorporated or found within the present building a column plinth, traces of four column bases, a capital, all in the lower floor , it has been suggested that a small basilica may have stood on the site in Late Antiquity fig.

Tassos Papacostas floor level of an ancient structure. As none of the sites in question was properly excavated, however, nothing more can be said about the date, function, scale, layout, and history of the reported structures. Stray finds of the same period were reported in further away ca. Slightly earlier a gold coin of Phokas was found on the site where a row of council houses was being erected in on Misiaouli and Kavazoglou formerly Paphos Street, within what was identified as a settlement that allegedly extended over the site of the nearby Turkish school ca.

The field survey of an area of 2, ha in the territory of Amathus has revealed a slight decline in occupation during Roman times followed by marked expansion in Late Antiquity, especially in the fifth-to- seventh-century period when twenty-eight out of a total of thirty-nine recorded sites were occupied; although the evolution of occupation in the area in subsequent centuries was outside the remit of the survey, the assumption appears to be that the expanding seventh century gave way to a period of decline.

The more recent excavation in of a small rural complex of uncertain agricultural? Tassos Papacostas Yermasoyia-Kaloyeroi, was probably destroyed by fire. The late antique village excavated at Kalavasos-Kopetra, to the east of Amathus, flourished into the early seventh century. Although not directly on the coast, it nevertheless witnessed damage to its churches and, despite a short period of post-raid occupation, the area was finally abandoned.

To the northwest of Limassol the small basilica excavated at Alassa in presents a slightly different picture: first built in the early seventh century, it was destroyed by fire some time after the reign of Herakleios when the latest coin finds in the destruction layer are dated ; the site, which included industrial? Before turning to the sources in order to see whether they shed any light on the fate of the settlement in the early medieval period, we have to turn to a site at its very heart, the only one properly investigated so far, as it provides some significant clues.

The opportunity to excavate a small part of it arose when during the construction of the sewage network of central Limassol in the remains of two apses were uncovered behind the eastern wall of the mosque, under the present street level fig. Because only a small portion of the building could be excavated within the confines of the narrow street, however, the interpretation of the remains that follows is necessarily tentative and largely based on the meticulous excavation report.

On the other hand it is far from clear how representative of the fate of the wider region the history of this particular site is. The investigation revealed the eastern part of a church with several building phases stretching from Late Antiquity down to the Venetian period. The two five-sided apses belong to the late antique phase, which may have taken the form of either a bi-apsidal single-nave or a twin-nave building, both rather uncommon schemes the evidence is inconclusive.

If the Corinthian capitals preserved today outside the mosque originate from this presumably timber-roofed church, then a layout with colonnade may be assumed; the nave area where evidence for its plan might be found is under the praying hall of the modern mosque and was not excavated; similarly, the investigation did not extend to the north to examine the possibility of an additional aisle.

The northern and larger apse contains a synthronon and its original floor level would have been ca. In the upper courses of the apse masonry which date from a subsequent rebuilding a block bearing an inscription was inserted. The late fifth or sixth-century date ascribed to it by Ino Nicolaou is perhaps the date of the original building phase itself. Access to it was maintained in the later rebuildings of the shrine, indicating that it was deemed important. Whether it housed some venerated relic or marked the burial place of a holy man or early bishop we cannot tell.

Neapolis is not mentioned as the locus of any cult in Late Antiquity or later for that matter and the location of the sepulchre of its legendary? Had it been possible to demonstrate that the site of the Cami Kebir was that of the episcopal church of Neapolis, then one might perhaps associate the sarcophagus with Tykhikos.

But the lack of evidence, both archaeological and textual, precludes at present such a link. Tassos Papacostas According to the excavation report this initial phase suffered damage, which may be dated to the seventh century on account of a copper buckle found in the destruction layer. One of the elements that have been used to determine the rite of the reconstructed church is a burial excavated to the north of the larger apse. This is securely dated by numismatic evidence to the late thirteenth or early fourteenth century, and is said to be the tomb of a Latin priest or possibly a bishop, although what the evidence for that is remains unclear the seal of Pope Innocent IV found nearby?

As the excavation report rightly points out, such an arrangement is of course rare in the architecture of Orthodox churches, although not uncommon in those of the Latin rite e. For a slightly different scenario, cautiously proposing a twelfth-century reconstruction, see the chapter by Michalis Olympios in this volume. Thus, if the Latin cathedral functioned throughout the Lusignan and Venetian periods on the same site, this was probably not that of the Cami Kebir.

The identity and function of the church under the mosque during both the late medieval but also the Byzantine period will remain unknown until further secure archaeological evidence emerges. The Toponym and Administrative Region The sources of the period following the first Arab raids contain only scarce references to the see of Neapolis and no individual bishops are known after Leontios until the thirteenth century.

It is, however, included as Neapolis in the episcopal lists of the ninth-century? Tassos Papacostas textually bountiful seventh century. According to one of the edifying stories in the miracula extolling the healing virtues of Sts Kyros and John at their shrine near Alexandria, a Cypriot pilgrim named George arrived seeking a cure for his crippled legs.

If on the other hand, as seems more likely, it was situated to the west, it would have been located somewhere in the Akrotiri peninsula, from where other visitors to Alexandria are attested in this period. Nemesos and Neapolis appear in the sources at the same time, in the seventh century. It is far from clear why two different names leaving aside Theodosias would have been used contemporaneously for the settlement.

Indeed, all references to the town from the tenth century onwards, not only in Greek sources but also in Arabic and Latin texts of the middle Byzantine period, use variants of this form. All this speculation merely serves to show our dismal knowledge of the administrative geography of middle Byzantine Cyprus. Tassos Papacostas coast of Cyprus, as we shall see below.

In other words, it would seem that it encompassed little more than the town itself and its immediate hinterland. At about the same time as the Krinia inventory Nemesos is mentioned in a major Byzantine source. This is none other than the Alexiad of Anna Komnene, which covers extensively the episode of the suppression of the rebellion of Rhapsomates on Cyprus.

He never arrived there, however, as on the way he was captured by Manuel Voutoumites and delivered to John Doukas, the leader of the expedition. Reinsch and Kambylis and II, ed. Leib ; on the date and for further bibliography, see Papacostas Giorgio Maggiore, See also extensive discussion in the note following this chaper by Angel Nicolaou-Konnari.

Its etymology remains unknown and has puzzled many a historian. Lusignan was followed in the eighteenth century by Giovanni Mariti and the Archimandrite Kyprianos, who proposed the same etymology: Mariti, 82, Kyprianos The derivation from an unattested Limnessos, recently proposed by Makrides , cannot be substantiated as it is entirely based on a debatable reconstruction of the ancient topography of the wider region.

Tassos Papacostas to the already long list. The debate, however, needs to be rekindled, and a fresh proposal may achieve just that. To the best of my knowledge Amamassos is not attested in any other text, either ancient or medieval, and its location remains unknown. A tentative answer may only emerge if some future epigraphic discovery from modern Limassol provides evidence for a cult of Apollo in the area and perhaps some clues on the evolution of the place- name.

The longevity of Cypriot toponymy is often extraordinary, as the case of even minor rural places demonstrates e. Flasou and Larnakas tis Lapithou , and the survival of an ancient toponym, albeit in a corrupted form, would not be surprising provided that such an alteration Amamassos — Nemesos can be linguistically substantiated, something that only specialists in the history of language may determine.

A cadastral document, it contains several toponyms from the region of Amathus. Drymou in the district of Paphos has been suggested as the possible location of Amamassos, on the basis of syllabic inscriptions from the area that testify to a local cult of Apollo; see Hadjioannou, Ancient Cyprus, IV, Hogarth 25 , however, places it in the region of Kourion, while on the map accompanying K.

I owe particular thanks to Yiannis Violaris for bringing this inscription to my attention. This assumption needs to be treated with caution, as there is no conclusive evidence; it will be discussed below. A move in the same direction has been claimed for the bishops of Amathus. But this could have taken place only if the local see at Nemesos was abolished or if the two dioceses were merged; neither option is warranted by the scant evidence.

In fact the latter seems to suggest that the episcopal see of Nemesos remained active throughout the early medieval period. As we saw above, it is included in the notitiae, although their testimony is not always reliable. For the eleventh and twelfth centuries there is no direct evidence whatsoever.

Half a century later Wilbrand, son of the count of Oldenburg and later bishop of Paderborn and Utrecht, who visited Cyprus in the summer of , reported that in addition to the Latin Church hierarchy established in there were thirteen Greek bishops on the island, including the archbishop. Kourion to Episkopi , there is little doubt that the episcopal organization itself was maintained, including most probably that of Nemesos.

Here a brief excursus is necessary in order to discuss what is meant by frequent statements claiming that populations moved from a city in decline to a rising centre nearby. The period in question seventh-ninth centuries was marked by economic and severe demographic decline. The population of Constantinople itself, the city in the empire that best resisted the changing trends of these difficult times, is thought to have dropped from perhaps as many as ca.

Thus, we should not imagine the entire population of a crowded Amathus packing up and leaving in search of greener pastures. This may have happened on a small scale in a few exceptional cases, best illustrated by the example of Kourion and Episkopi: the archaeological evidence from the site of Sarayia in the latter shows that architectural elements from the episcopal basilica on top of the cliff were intentionally dismantled and reused in a new church on the west bank of the Kouris River in the fertile plain below.

As demographic decline set in, prompted by profound changes in the patterns of economic life, the ravages of war, and possibly the outbreaks of plague recorded in the empire but not specifically in Cyprus into the eighth century, Amathus must have suffered severe depopulation. By the end of the century the extensive site of the city was perhaps dotted with a couple of small communities living in makeshift accommodation among the ruins and making a living primarily out of the land.

As the population of the entire island in this period was probably well below ,, of which a very high proportion lived in rural areas, the former cities must have looked like little more than villages. Why this was the case is not clear at all. Perhaps any remaining inhabitants of Amathus moved to the emerging centre of the region in search of opportunities, but their numbers must have been small.

Thus, the statement that Nemesos replaced Amathus must be qualified: this has more to do with the role and function of the city within the wider context of the island, as the major settlement on its south coast, and not with a wholesale transfer of population. That is not to say that no transfer of population ever affected the demography of Nemesos.

In view of the above reconstruction of its growth and the undisputed evidence for the presence of a strong Armenian element in its population by the late twelfth century, it is likely that the latter was the result of a centrally planned initiative. The sources describing the events of provide unequivocal testimony of the importance of the Armenian community in town. Its inhabitants are referred to time and again as Greeks and Armenians who initially defended but eventually abandoned it to the hands of Richard the Lionheart.

Ailes and M. Tassos Papacostas communities on Cyprus as early as the sixth century, it is perhaps in the course of the twelfth that their settlement became significant. The ethnicity of the transplanted population is not specified, but it is plausibly assumed that it was largely if not exclusively Armenian.

As we shall see shortly, another strong element in the population was that of western merchants who settled in the town during the last decades of Byzantine rule. This is how the settlement slowly emerges into the limelight in the eleventh century, and not as an ecclesiastical nor as an administrative centre. When in ca. Maria di Messina, , For the road network in Byzantium and the relevant terminology, see Avramea 61 and Belke Although there is no definite archaeological or textual evidence for this network e.

Below we shall look at the evidence for the role of the harbour as a major gateway into and out of the island for merchants and western pilgrims, and perhaps also as a naval base for the Byzantine fleet. All these functions were enhanced as a result of the single most important event of the middle Byzantine period in the wider region.

Only this time the economic repercussions were distinctly advantageous. The arrival of the crusaders in the Eastern Mediterranean in the s opened up new opportunities for trade and commerce. In the course of the twelfth century Cyprus became a source of supplies for the newly established Crusader States and exported its agricultural produce and manufactured goods.

Its harbour must have also been involved in short-distance small-scale trade along the shores of Cyprus, although the total lack of documentation for this type of exchange precludes an assessment of its extent. Before looking at the economic aspect, however, let us first consider some admittedly inconclusive yet tantalising evidence suggesting that the harbour of Nemesos may have functioned as an occasional?

In May there were five manned galleys anchored there and ready to defend Isaac Komnenos against the large crusader fleet that descended on the bay; they were captured by Richard without much difficulty. The alliance had worked in favour of Isaac in when a fleet of seventy vessels was sent from Constantinople to oust him.

The Byzantine troops disembarked to engage his army in battle, leaving their ships largely unattended. Isaac sought refuge in an un-named castle. At that point a Norman fleet that had been operating in the Aegean under Admiral Margaritone probably married, like Isaac himself, to an illegitimate daughter of William I of Sicily came to his rescue. Perhaps a small Norman contingent was left behind after the cessation of hostilities and the departure of Margaritone, accounting for the vessels in the harbour of Nemesos five years later.

No source reveals the location s where the Byzantine fleet was stationed and operated from, but Kyrenia would seem a natural choice, at least as a first port of call from other Byzantine harbours, in particular along the south shore of Asia Minor.

The latter will be discussed in detail below. Although there is no evidence for the local ship-building industry in this period, and the silence of the sources is even more deafening as far as naval construction is concerned, the proximity of the abundant timber resources of the Troodos may have encouraged the development of shipyards for both military and commercial vessels.

In the same period the total annual revenue of Cyprus is said to have reached pounds of gold ca. Reinsch and Kambylis ; Choniates, I, A case in point is the salt lake in the Akrotiri peninsula with its salt pans, well known in later centuries for its abundant fish stock especially dorado — coryphaena hippurus ; in medieval Byzantium there are documented cases of monastic establishments owning and presumably managing such resources, and the monastery of St Nicholas discussed below near the south edge of the salt lake may have indeed conformed to such a model.

Although in contrast to Paphos no seals belonging to horreiarioi of Nemesos are known officials in charge of warehouses and granaries , there is little doubt that at least in the twelfth century there was surplus agricultural production that was exported through the harbour. The crucial evidence concerning the role of Venetians in this will be examined shortly.

Nemesos is very briefly mentioned in the Liber de existencia riveriarum, a Pisan navigation manual that describes the coastline of Cyprus but does not comment on the anchorages and port facilities, despite often doing so in the case of other coastal regions. The magnitude of the phenomenon is illustrated by the testimony of the German? Surely some of these must have stopped at some Cypriot harbour, perhaps Nemesos, either on their way to the Holy Land or during their return journey.

While there, a sudden storm broke out and destroyed all but two vessels; according to the chronicler it took three weeks to bury in the flat plains around Nemesos? For the immediate pre-crusader period the testimony of a Catalan document is significant, as it concerns the presence of pilgrims from the other end of the Mediterranean before the opening up in earnest of the pilgrimage routes: the sacristan Isarn made the long journey to the Holy Land and reached his goal but died on Cyprus in February on the way back from his pilgrimage.

On the extent of pilgrimage traffic to the Holy Land in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, see Jacoby b: Edgington ; see also Jacoby b: Tassos Papacostas was well equipped with facilities catering to their needs. Pilgrims from within Byzantium may have also availed themselves of these facilities at what was after all the last Byzantine territory before reaching the Holy Land.

David Jacoby has plausibly suggested that these devout travellers must have sailed on Byzantine commercial vessels whose destination was either Cyprus or Fatimid Egypt, and that the same may be true of the ship that the Russian monk Daniel boarded in ca. Tsiknopoulos , ed. Agathonos ; Papacostas The venturing into the Troodos of pilgrims passing through Cyprus is attested in later centuries through the graffiti they left, for example in the church of St John Lampadistis at Kalopanagiotes; see Papageorghiou Cyprus and its harbours were involved in trade with the neighbouring regions of the Levant well before the crusader period.

Arab sources mention the island as a place of trade for merchants from lands under Arab rule. It includes numerous astronomical diagrams and schematic maps among which Cyprus figures prominently. First it is shown on the map of the Mediterranean Sea fol.

Tassos Papacostas The Cyprus diagram is accompanied by brief notices on the geographical position of the island, its agricultural and mineral resources, and the Arab raids of the mid-seventh century fig. Cyprus is represented as a square around which seventeen anchorages are marked with their names and succinct information on the prevailing winds, while nine more are described within the square the total is twenty-five, as there is one duplication. Although many of the Arabicised toponyms are difficult to recognise, others are readily identifiable e.

The excellent online and the more recent print editions of the Book of Curiosities suggest a monastery east of Limassol as a possible candidate for Jurjis. It is not clear why this particular promontory is given with an Arabic name that is neither a corruption nor a translation of a Greek toponym like Nahr al-Malik ; was it so popular with Arab seafarers that they had their own name for it, unrelated with the local toponymic tradition, or does it betray permanent Arab settlement in the area perhaps from an earlier period?

Book of Curiosities, The identification of the latter, as mentioned above, is not certain. The allusion to an important harbour, however, is tempting. What is more, although the dedication to St George is of course extremely common indeed the most frequent on medieval Cyprus after the Virgin , Nemesos is among the few places on the island where a church with that very dedication is securely attested in middle Byzantine times, albeit slightly later: as we shall see below, Richard the Lionheart married Berengaria of Navarre in May in a church of St George which may be identical with the Venetian shrine of the same name, attested in the later twelfth century.

Why this among all other churches of Nemesos would be singled out, however, is difficult to tell. But even if the identification of Jurjis with Nemesos is rejected, the latter must certainly have been included in the Book of Curiosities, and must be sought among the unrecognizable place- names.

Crete, although also under Arab rule for more than a century ca. What, then, might be the reason behind this? The thousands of documents in the Cairo Geniza, many of which deal with the business ventures of Jewish merchants from Fatimid Egypt across the Mediterranean in this period, barely mention the island. Tassos Papacostas mentioning: in a letter of ca.

Yet a recent reassessment of commercial links between Byzantium and Egypt may provide the very framework into which these and the evidence of the Book of Curiosities fit. In a groundbreaking study of trade networks in the Eastern Mediterranean David Jacoby has argued that, beyond the well-known East-West routes, in the eleventh century there existed a north-south axis between the empire and Egypt that was joined in the twelfth century by the crusader Levant, creating a local triangular pattern.

In the eleventh century this was still in the hands of local merchants, Italian traders appearing in the middle of the century with the Amalfitans first and consolidating their presence only in the following century when Venice became an important player. Indeed, the Geniza documents contain evidence for Cretans active in trade between their island and Egypt in the mid-eleventh century. By virtue of its position the island must have actively participated in this network.

I owe particular thanks to Prof. Jacoby for incisive comments and for making available to me both very recent and especially forthcoming publications of his. Nemesos is recorded as being actively involved in trade with Fatimid Egypt, albeit now perhaps largely through the agency of western merchants, as revealed by the Venetian contract cited above as evidence for the earliest Latin attestation of the toponym.

Venice was granted free access to the island under John II Komnenos in ca. Unequivocal confirmation and indeed striking amplification of the above conclusion comes from a thirteenth-century report listing former Venetian properties on Cyprus. It is certainly the most important source dealing with Nemesos in the middle Byzantine period and will therefore be discussed in some detail.

It does not provide, however, any information about the size of the properties, nor does it record their value and income. The report is also discussed in the next chapter with relation to the thirteenth-century owners. On an earlier occasion I mistakenly claimed that the report was compiled by the copyist of the manuscript, Jacobus de Vairago; see Papacostas a: These difficulties do not hinder, however, a most profitable examination of the document.

The Venetian community was well established on Cyprus, since it is stated that several properties were acquired through inheritance and marriage, indicating more than a transient existence; it was also well organised, for it enjoyed fiscal exemptions and judicial autonomy, and possessed communal facilities including churches, a cemetery, a bath and a hospice at Nemesos, and two more churches in Paphos and Nicosia respectively.

The existence of a baptistery at Nemesos , the fact that there were priests among the property owners, the attestation of female landowners, and the properties acquired through marriage all suggest long-term settlement of entire families rather than single individuals; indeed, some of the women may have issued from the local population, although the few for whom there are clear indications are indeed Venetian.

Around forty-five family names are represented among the almost one hundred named individuals, some being among the best known case of Venice in this period e. These same families are known to have been involved in mercantile activities throughout the Eastern Mediterranean at that time. Tassos Papacostas Troodos fig. This constitutes unique information, crucial to our understanding of Venetian involvement outside the great emporia of the Eastern Mediterranean in the pre period, and unavailable for other provinces of the Byzantine empire.

Of course there is evidence that, for example, at Corinth the oil market was partly in the hands of Venetians, that Venetians traded at Halmyros where some settled, and that as early as the s Latins, including Venetians, had founded churches on Rhodes where they presumably also engaged in mercantile activities. The most acute problem regarding the interpretation of this information has to do with the circumstances that led to the properties changing hands; the document itself merely records former and current owners, without further elaboration.

It is usually assumed, however, that this was a result of confiscations in the aftermath of the establishment in of the Lusignan regime, implying forced expulsions. It has to be stressed, however, that this is only an unverifiable and somewhat controversial scenario, for the sources do not give the impression that there was either disruption or widespread destruction in this period.

Indeed, a local landowner was able to hire a high quality artist to decorate his chapel at Lagoudera in the Troodos Mountains in the second half of the fresco cycle was completed in December of that year , barely a few months after the establishment of Guy of Lusignan at Nicosia. Having established the wider context, let us now turn to the information concerning Nemesos itself. Fifty-seven Venetians are listed as having owned around sixty properties in the coastal town; a few more were owned collectively by the community.

As the report lists only properties that were no longer in Venetian hands, the possibility that there was more Venetian-held real estate whose ownership status remained unaltered, and therefore omitted from our document, cannot be discounted. Many of these properties may have constituted a separate quarter within the town, as the reference to a distinct enclosed? In addition there are a few properties whose nature remains uncertain for a different reason, namely because of palaeographic problems faded ink, uncertain abbreviations.

See also the following chapter. The latter stood on land that used to belong to Vivianus Bonus. It may conceivably be identical with the church in which Richard the Lionheart married Berengaria of Navarre on 12 May But if a Venetian rather than a Greek church was preferred for the royal wedding, why not St Mark, presumably larger and better suited to the needs of such an important event? The Venetians are thought to have been among the Latins who welcomed the crusaders to town, after all.

It is likely that various factors would have played a role in the selection of the church, not least its proximity to the crusader encampment, and if the unknown location of the Venetian St George was suitable then perhaps one could contemplate such an identification. It is clear that the construction of St Mark, and perhaps of the other shrines, was a result of private initiative. Today there is no trace of these buildings, and one may only speculate about their architecture and decoration.

What this means of course is that there probably was little external input, at least in terms of architectural style, form and practice; the decoration and furnishings of these churches, on the other hand, may have exhibited specifically Venetian traits in the guise of objects that can be easily transported statuary, altarpieces, etc. For more recent bibliography, see Papacostas Tassos Papacostas St Mark with its baptistery had been endowed with a garden yielding an annual revenue of fifty bezants, several shops, land, and a number of houses.

The latter included a twelve-house compound whose income was reserved for the maintenance of a hospice. The Venetian cemetery, however, appears to have been situated in a different part of town, perhaps to the east. See also the disussion in the following chapter.

Tassos Papacostas Like Monagroulli, many Venetian properties were situated on the periphery of Nemesos fig. What is far less clear is the function of these churches. The wording of the document offers no clues, stating simply that their construction was due to Cavatorta. Were they founded in order to cater for the needs of Venetians living or perhaps passing through the area while inspecting their estates — in this case Aurio, his family, and associates? Or were they destined for the use of the local population, perhaps even for those individuals working on their estates although no other properties are explicitly mentioned around the two churches?

The evidence for the foundation of rural churches on Cyprus by Latins is minimal, even in the Lusignan period, and such an early occurrence would certainly be noteworthy. The dedication of the two Cavatorta churches also testifies to the popularity of the cult of the Cross on twelfth-century Cyprus, and especially in this part of the island on which, as noted above, the traditions concerning the veneration of relics of the Passion converged. The construction of these shrines may have contributed to the further promotion of the cult, conferring to the Venetian initiative a significant role in local religious affairs.

Rural Hinterland and Overseas Markets The relative profusion and wide geographical spread of the Venetian rural estates is undeniable fig. I have argued elsewhere that they must surely represent a sustained investment on behalf of members of the Venetian community in the exploitation of agricultural resources in the hinterland of Nemesos.

Giorgio Maggiore, 2. See also Buenger Robbert Tassos Papacostas structures from middle Byzantine times on the island for that matter, is known archaeologically. Nevertheless, the source attestation of these holdings is adequate proof of their primary function as agricultural enterprises and certainly not as mere country retreats for a mercantile urban community.

What is more, there is no doubt that the Venetians settled on Cyprus in this period were not functioning in a vacuum. They were part of an extensive network of merchants from the lagoon who operated from ports all around the shores of the Eastern Mediterranean.

Although it is virtually impossible to identify individuals mentioned in the Marsilio Zorzi report with homonymous Venetians elsewhere based on their name alone, a survey of the published Venetian documents of the period allows us at least to draw a map of the ports where members or branches of the same family are attested or conducted business. But, as the notarial documents mentioned earlier indicate, they must have maintained business links with the most important among these places, their presence on Cyprus making sense only in the context of such contacts with the mainland.

From Nemesos they organised the purchase and export of raw or processed agricultural produce presumably fruit, cereals, cheese, olive-oil, wine , some of it from their own estates, and probably of locally manufactured goods to the markets of the Levantine coast and perhaps even further afield. David Jacoby, noting the vineyards owned by Venetians on Cyprus, has suggested that wine may have been one of the main commodities that they exported from the island to Egypt, in the same way that they exported olive-oil significantly, a commodity that required considerable capital investment from Sparta to Constantinople and Alexandria in the same period.

For the reputation of Cypriot wine abroad in this period, see Papacostas b: I, with further bibliography. The possibility of unaltered ownership status, evoked above, may of course account for this lack of information. Ambroise mentions in his account olive and fig groves outside Nemesos, while Richard is reported to have sent timber to Palestine.

There is no evidence yet for the cultivation or processing of sugar cane in this period, an industry that in later centuries would become central to the economy of the wider region, especially in the well-watered valley of the Kouris around Episkopi. The textile industry, although attested for the island as a whole, is not specifically linked with Nemesos.

Exploitation of the timber resources, although undocumented outside small-scale use in the building industry, may have been part of this trend. Second, it is crucial to point out that the attestation of most rural place-names in the report of Marsilio Zorzi is the earliest available. This is perhaps not a mere accident of source survival; these previously insignificant and probably isolated mountain settlements may have acquired some importance in the course of this period, their growth fuelled by the economic shift just mentioned.

For the sugar industry, see the next chapter. Tassos Papacostas rather the lack thereof: it is more likely than not that the Troodos highlands were settled permanently only from this period onward. Although there is evidence for some form of occupation mostly through burials much earlier and up to Roman times, in particular on the southern flank of the massif Moniatis, Kato Platres, Agros, Khandria, Ayios Theodoros , it then virtually dries out and does not occur again on either the southern slopes or throughout the mountainous region until the middle Byzantine period, in the form of surviving ecclesiastical monuments and recorded monastic foundations.

In the area that concerns us here, these are known from places such as Pelendri, Kouka, Kilani, Monagri, and Agros. The family was well established on Cyprus, as three other members Iohannes, Petrus, and Ruberta are recorded as owners of seven properties, including houses, vineyards and rural estates elsewhere in the wider region, at Pyrgos near the coast, Sylikou? The small three-aisled building standing today at the southern edge of the settlement was originally erected as a single-aisle vaulted?

A small number of seventh to tenth-century coin finds are associated with localities in the massif Omodos, Kilani, Statos, Moutoullas, Askas, Alona ; see Metcalf The presence of these coins, however, may not be the result of occupation through these centuries, as some could have been transported from elsewhere as ornaments? No other material evidence provides as valuable albeit infinitesimal a glimpse of the state of rural settlements in this region and period as the Pelendri inscription.

Other roughly contemporary churches from the same area, such as those of the Holy Cross at Kouka and the Panayia Amasgou near Monagri in the valley of the Kouris and St Maura near Kilani on the west bank of the Kryos, have not preserved any dedicatory inscriptions. Their function and date can therefore only be inferred on the basis of their location, architecture, and decoration.

The first, a much altered middle Byzantine cruciform structure twelfth century? Whether it was built as a congregational or a monastic church remains unclear: the village of Kouka is first recorded in the fourteenth century, whereas a monastery on the site is not attested until the late Ottoman period. Its location on the terraced slopes above the Kouris and away from any recorded settlement would perhaps suggest a monastic function that is in fact attested only much later, in the seventeenth century.

As in the previous case, this may indeed have also been its original function, for there is no evidence of a settlement in the immediate vicinity the village of Kilani, recorded for the first time in the late twelfth century, stands higher up in the valley.

Tassos Papacostas demolished in , it is recorded in manuscript notes and colophons from the twelfth century onwards, and two surviving icons of exquisite craftsmanship from the same period, said to originate at the monastery, testify to the high quality of art sometimes available even to remote monastic establishments.

What remains unclear is the role that monastic properties may have played in this trend, as there is virtually no information for the mountainous region considered here. We saw earlier that in the eleventh century the monastery of Krinia in the western Kyrenia mountains possessed among its seventeen properties an olive grove in the local enoria.

Its proasteion with vineyards and its fields in the enoria of Kourion at Paramytha, on the other hand, were much more important, as they were imposed with a combined fiscal charge of twenty-three argyria eleven and twelve for the vineyards and fields respectively, almost eight nomismata. The rate of land tax varied greatly in medieval Byzantium according to several factors including of course the quality of the land; nevertheless, an approximate average of one nomisma per modioi of land has been proposed for the second half of the eleventh century, although again, to complicate matters even further, the modios itself varied greatly with an approximate area of ca.

It has to be stressed that this is only an indicative figure and nothing more; the multiple set of variants precludes a more accurate estimate. It is, however, a useful index for comparison with monastic estates elsewhere in Byzantium.

Considering the distance between the latter and Krinia and the location of the majority of the other holdings near the monastery, it is very likely that the impetus for its formation would have been an initial land grant that was subsequently augmented by the purchase of adjoining territory with the aim of rendering it more profitable; the previous owner and subsequent donor of the original property remains unknown and so is his or her relationship to the region and to the monastery: a local landowner, perhaps based at Nemesos, with a particular attachment to Krinia, or possibly a local man who joined the monastic community.

Tassos Papacostas A much more important landowner on middle Byzantine Cyprus with a footing in Nemesos and its region was the monastery of St Theodosios of Judea. Its twenty-three properties on the island are recorded in a papal privilege of together with holdings in Syria-Palestine, Constantinople, and even Hungary and were presumably acquired before They were mostly situated in the region of the Ha-potami Valley between Paphos and Nemesos, and included a metochion, several church buildings, villages, mills, vineyards, olive groves, fields, and various agricultural installations.

Just like the property of Krinia at Paramytha, the estates of St Theodosios in the Ha-potami Valley and in the region of Nemesos must have served one primary function: the supply of agricultural produce to the mother house which, in this case, was not a mere local monastery but an ancient and revered foundation of the Holy Land and a major pilgrimage goal not far from Jerusalem; its needs, especially in view of the flow of pilgrims in the twelfth century, were of course not comparable to those of isolated Krinia.

What is more, the provisioning of the Judean monastery would have required a collection centre where the produce to be exported would be gathered before shipping across the sea. The evidence concerning the agricultural estates belonging to Venetian merchants, overseas ecclesiastical institutions, and local monasteries demonstrates that the hinterland of twelfth-century Nemesos was no longer the economic backwater it had been in the early Middle Ages.

The close relationship between town and countryside is obvious, despite the lack of information on local institutions and the indigenous landowning class, and on small-scale local trade between the two. Unlike Nicosia in the same period, where the written record has preserved evidence for half a dozen monasteries whose location, moreover, is at least approximately known, no monastic foundations are attested within Nemesos either in colophons and marginal notes in surviving Greek manuscripts or among the relatively abundant documentation of the early Lusignan period.

It is thus impossible to tell to what extent landowning establishments of a strictly local character contributed to the growth of the local economy. Its dedication to the Virgin is first recorded in the thirteenth century and later sources make clear that it was situated in the Akrotiri peninsula.

The principal medieval compound attested archaeologically in that area is the monastery of St Nicholas of the Cats, and Stylos is usually identified with it, although the change of dedication has never been explained. The identification is thought to be at least partly corroborated by the colophon of the manuscript just mentioned, in which the name of the shrine for which it was originally copied was later erased and replaced by St Nicholas of Akrotiri.

The surviving church dates from the Lusignan period and there are few visible earlier remains. The Benedictine chronicler Orderic Vitalis ca. The Phasouri church was originally a dome-hall structure that was subsequently altered with the substitution of the dome by a barrel vault; it has been tentatively ascribed an eleventh-century date.

The evidence presented above, however Stylos described as being near Cape Gata or Akrotiri , lends little support to a site north of the salt lake. Of course it has to be stressed that the history of medieval occupation in the Akrotiri peninsula is not well served by archaeology. Granted that both the older St Nicholas and the more recent Galaktotrophousa identifications must be rejected, there appears to be no other readily available candidate for Stylos, and the question has to remain open until further evidence comes forth.

The only other indication for monastic establishments in the surrounding region may come from surviving church buildings whose early life has gone undocumented. The problem, as in the case of the Troodos monuments mentioned above, is that the function of a shrine can rarely be established on account of the physical evidence alone, especially in the absence of excavation.

Almost a dozen middle Byzantine churches in the vicinity of Nemesos within a radius of ca. A less likely burial for the king on Stavrovouni is suggested by Riis Tassos Papacostas altered St Anastasia at Polemidia probably a cruciform structure initially, subsequently augmented by the eastward addition of a cross-in-square unit , the ruinous St Tykhikos in the hills above Ayia Phyla towards Palodia, and a few other structures now in ruins at Ayios Athanasios and near Kandou, Akrotiri, and Souni.

Their unsurprising distribution around Nemesos merely confirms the trend for increased occupation in the fertile plain and its fringes. Their architecture conforms to the overall pattern observed throughout the island, with few deviations from the prevailing norms in either building practice or style and decoration. Only St Tykhikos stands out, on account of its considerably larger scale fig. Built on a plateau overlooking the bay of Limassol, over a late antique church with a synthronon and an opus sectile floor fifth- century?

The description of the recently excavated Archangel Michael at Ayios Athanasios-Panthea as a cross-in-square structure in ARDA , is not entirely accurate, as there never were a south cross arm and southern compartments; see Procopiou a: Clearing and some conservation work were recently carried out, ARDA , Defences Certain aspects of the life, material culture, and built environment of medieval urban centres in the Byzantine world are illuminated by an array of types of evidence that include archaeological finds e.

The little archaeological evidence there is was surveyed above: on the site of the Cami Kebir there was a church whose dedication and layout remain unknown. On the site of the present castle nearby there was perhaps a structure church? St Theodosios of Judea and the monastery of Krinia owned land and buildings; so did perhaps the Holy Sepulchre. The sources of the Third crusade offer some additional clues about Nemesos toward the close of the twelfth century. One of the most intriguing issues concerning the towns of Byzantine Cyprus is their defence.

Tassos Papacostas Neophytos the Recluse the Book of Curiosities mentions a ruined fortress , and so perhaps did Nicosia. If, however, Nemesos served even occasionally as a base for the Byzantine fleet, as suggested above, one would indeed expect a military presence with the relevant infrastructure.

The same conclusion emerges from a reading of the sources for Isaac Komnenos had to take improvised measures to prevent the crusaders from disembarking, erecting barricades along the shore and blocking the entrance to the harbour with old vessels and whatever material was available in town that could be used for that purpose.

A reference by Roger of Howden to these barricades has been interpreted as evidence for a fortified rampart. On the fortifications of Byzantine towns, see Bouras The evidence concerning a fort or castle is somewhat more secure, although not without its problems.

What is more, one of the two, the narrative of Richard of Devizes, is clearly inaccurate in its description of Nemesos: although the name of the town is not given, it is said to be a strong city defended by a fortified castle standing high above the harbour on a rock. The location of this fort remains, again, unknown. As mentioned above, the common assumption that the site of the present castle in the old town was also that of the Byzantine fort is no longer tenable.

Only Paphos may have been walled, the medieval settlement by the harbour having inherited the fortifications of the late antique city. It was only in the later eleventh century that conditions in the wider region changed once more, with the arrival of the Seljuks in Anatolia and northern Syria and shortly thereafter of the crusader armies in Syria-Palestine.

That was probably the time when the northern defences were organised construction of the castles at St Hilarion, Buffavento, Kantara. Tassos Papacostas modest size, with the exception of Kyrenia and its larger fortress. The Verdict The scarcity of textual and archaeological evidence precludes a comprehensive assessment of the history of the settlement on the site of modern Limassol during the centuries discussed above.

The following elements, however, marked its evolution and will have to be tested against future research, especially in terms of archaeological investigations but also interpretations and reconstructions of the Eastern Mediterranean socio-economic landscape.

Virtually nothing is known about its emergence and life beyond the paltry and therefore patchy archaeological record and the fact that it was an episcopal see since at least the fifth century. By the seventh century it appears to have been elevated to city status, but it nevertheless remained in the shadow of its larger neighbour, the ancient city of Amathus. The latter declined irrevocably after the archaeologically attested destruction wrought at the time of the seventh- century Arab raids.

Unlike Amathus and for reasons that remain obscure, after the reintegration of Cyprus within the empire in all activity converged on the site of Limassol, which grew into the most important settlement of the south coast. Local and overseas monastic foundations may have heralded this development, as their establishment in the town and its region appears to precede that of the Venetians; like the latter, the overseas ecclesiastical foundations must have used Limassol as their collection centre for export across the sea to the Syro-Palestinian mainland.

The spectacular change in the fortunes of Limassol and its region outlined above must be related to the wider Mediterranean context: the establishment of the Crusader States on the neighbouring mainland and the expansion of western commercial activity in Byzantine and Levantine waters had a tangible and long-lasting effect. The events of in which the town played such a pivotal role would usher in a new age. Limassol stood to gain a lot, and initially did, but ultimately lost to Famagusta.

Tassos Pap pacostas Fig. Tassos Papacostas Fig. Primary Sources 1. Mariae de Monte Carmelo, ed. Wessels, 2 vols. Rome, Acta Capitulorum O. Reichert [Monumenta ordinis Fratrum Praedicatorum Historica], 9 vols. Miklosich and J. Vienna, Fedalto [CICO ser. Tautu [CICO ser. Lefort, N. Papachryssanthou, H. Kravari, 2 vols. Actes de S. Guillou Palermo, Arab Historians of the Crusades, selected and translated into Italian by F. Gabrieli, English transl.

Costello London, Garcia y Sanz and M. Ferrer Mallol Barcelona, Koumarianou with A. Cornet Vienna, Papal Letters Concerning Cyprus , ed. Schabel, C. Perrat, and J. Richard, 3 vols. Schreiner, 3 vols. Stylianou and J. Delaville le Roulx, 4 vols. Coureas and C. Price and M. Gaddis, 3 vols. Liverpool ; repr. Schwartz [Acta Conciliorum Oecumenicorum 2. Cusa Palermo, ; repr. Cologne, Richard Paris, Borchardt, A.

Luttrell, and E. Athens, Die Genuesen auf Zypern, ed. Bliznyuk Cologne, Atti rogati a Cipro: Lamberto di Sambuceto 31 marzo luglio Golubovich, 5 vols. Quaracchi, Florence, Gongora and C. Sperone Madrid ; Genova Gori, 3 vols. Florence, Schabel et al. Nicosia, forthcoming. Aysan [Genelkurmay harp tarihi baskanligi resmi yayinhari 2] Ankara, Les larmes de Chypre, ed.

Imhaus, 2 vols. Lamansky St Petersbourg, ; repr. New York, Atti rogati a Cipro da Lamberto di Sambuceto 11 ottobre giugno , ed. Balard, W. Atti rogati a Cipro da Lamberto di Sambuceto 3 luglio agosto , ed. Atti rogati a Cipro da Lamberto di Sambuceto 6 luglio ottobre , ed. Atti rogati a Cipro da Lamberto di Sambuceto gennaio-agosto , ed.

Lanfranchi, S. Giorgio Maggiore, II, Documenti , ed. Lanfranchi Venice, Baudi di Vesme, C. Desimoni, and V. Poggi, 2 vols. Regesti, ed. Predelli, 8 vols. Venice, Richard with the collaboration of T. Mansi, 31 vols. Florence - Venice, , 53 vols. Paris, ; repr. Graz, Durand, 5 vols. Durand, 9 vols.

Early Reflections on the Nature of the Order, ed. Morozzo della Rocca and A. Lombardo, 2 vols. Lombardo Venice, Ploumides Ioannina, Les Portulans grecs, ed. Delatte, 2 vols. Liege - Paris - Brussels, Regesta Regni Hierosolymitani , ed. Riant, 2 vols. Geneva, ; repr. Durand, Paris, King London, Sathas, 7 vols. Venice - Paris, ; repr. Sathas, 9 vols. Trilhe [ Josephus-Maria Canivez, 8 vols. Louvain, Cenci, 2 vols. Grottaferrata - Rome, Tafel and G.

Thomas, 3 vols. Vienna, ; repr. Amsterdam, Talbot London — New York, ; repr. Hoberg Vatican City, History of the Journey to Jerusalem, ed. Edgington Oxford, Nicosia, , I. Barber, 2 vols. Woodbridge, Uthemann Turnhout, Leib, 3 vols. Paris, ; Annae Comnenae Alexias, ed. Reinsch and A. Kambylis, 2 vols. Annales de Terre Sainte, in R.

Sancti Barnabae laudatio auctore Alexandro monacho et Sanctorum Bartholomaei et Barnabae vita e menologio imperiali deprompta. Vita sancti Auxibii, ed. Van Deun and J. Noret Turnhout, Stubbs, 2 vols. The Book of Curiosities, ed. Rapoport and E. Savage-Smith and Y. Calepio, F. Budapest, Choniates, Nicetas, Historia, ed. Chronique de Terre Sainte, in Gestes, Opera italiana della meta del secolo XIII, ed.

Motzo Cagliari, Pertusi Vatican City, Cobham in Mariti, Morgan Paris, Pastorello in Rerum italicarum scriptores, 2nd ed. Venice, ; extracts in Excerpta Cypria, this is the edition used. Ebied and D. Thomas Leiden, Foglieta, Umberto, De sacro foedere in Selimum, libri quatuor Genoa, ; extracts in English transl. Dandolo Larnaca, ; repr. Cairo, Balard, L. Balletto, and C. Recreation for an Emperor, ed. Banks and J. Binns Oxford, Palmer New York - London, this is the edition used.

Shirley and introduction P. Edbury Aldershot, Orth Hildesheim — Zurich, Iacopo da Varazze, Legenda aurea, ed. Maggioni, 2 vols. Tavarnuzze, Kramers and G. Wiet, 2 vols. Richards, Aldershot, Cerulli et al. Naples — Rome, Jaubert, 2 vols. Nicholson Aldershot, Usener Leipzig - Berlin, John Capgrave, Chronicle of England, ed. Hingeston [RS 1] London, Edbury Leiden - Boston, Tsougarakis Leiden — New York — Cologne, Nielen Paris, this is the edition used.

Perdikes Nicosia, Famagusta, ; repr. Dawkins, 2 vols. Oxford, Pieris and A. Codex Querini-Stampalia IV 3 , ed. Miquel Damascus, Agathonos Nicosia, Papatriantafyllou-Theodoridi and T. Galatariotou in J. Thomas and A.

Constantinides Hero eds. Oliver Scholasticus, Historia Damiatana, ed. Chibnall, 6 vols. Pegolotti, Francesco Balducci, La pratica della mercatura, ed. Evans Cambridge, Mass. Peter of Langtoft, Chronicle, ed. Wright, 2 vols. Smet Rome, Melani Naples, In the early 's, a group of people responsible for the construction of the Brasilia-Fortaleza road is abandoned in the middle of the jungle by the Brazilian government, after the military coup.

Votes: Com certeza o melhor filme ja gravado aqui. Trailer: youtube. In the great restaurant of life, there are those who eat and those who get eaten. Raimundo Nonato finds an alternative way, a life of his own: he cooks in order to survive and find a place See full summary ». Votes: 6, Not Rated 96 min Comedy, Drama, Music. They lead a boring and unattractive life, until the Votes: 1, A group of bored well-off young adults come up with anarchic concept of Conceptionism, that promotes absolute looseness when it comes to sex and drugs, but total rejection of money and ego.

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